Abstract
Media democratization is a hot topic in nearly all South American countries. Reform demands and subsequent political conflicts emerge because of discrepancies between the inherited concentrated, commercial, and often conservative mass media on the one side, and the political positions of center-left governments as well as social demands for participatory democracy on the other. The election and re-election of governments from the center-left spectrum and with close ties to civil society movements have raised expectations about democratizing media reforms. However, such reforms have only taken place in some countries, while in others, little or nothing has changed. In this chapter, I will sum up the main findings of this study to show what makes media democratization possible. Finally, this study concludes by broadening the vision again, discussing how the struggle over media democratization is rooted in larger social and political developments including necessarily conflictual power shifts.
The best media law is the one that doesn’t exist.
(Eduardo Duhalde)
The best law is the best law.
(Catalina Botero)
Eduardo Duhalde was president of Argentina from 2002 to 2003 and oppositional presidential candidate in 2011 (quote cited in Alconada and Dapelo 2011, author'’s translation), the quote is a common argument among opponents of democratizing media laws. Catalino Botero is Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression of the OAS between 2008 and 2014 (quote cited in AMARC 2009: 346, author's translation).
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Somewhat ironically, this is the result of provisions that restrict the ownership of licenses but allow for broadcasting networks. Consequently, the large media conglomerates own only a handful of broadcasting licenses themselves while the majority belongs to individuals, often politicians. Their stations then become affiliates of one of the large commercial networks, which provide them with content.
- 3.
The so-called “first generation” of human rights developed against the backdrop of the French and American Revolutions and principally comprises protection against encroachment of the state (“negative freedoms”). The second generation emerged at the turn of the last century and is concerned with social rights that require the active support of the state (Jacobson 1998: 395).
- 4.
A proposed loophole to solve the dilemma between universality and cultural sensitivity is a twofold definition: a “universal right to communicate” as a comprehensive framework, and “specific communication rights” as “a set or collection of rights capable of being defined and acted upon,” developed against the backdrop of specific cultural and historical contexts (Richstad and Harms 1977: 11; see also Jacobson 1998: 399f).
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To give one example of a paradoxical situation, Chile in 2010 was the first country in the world to pass a law that legally enshrined net neutrality, although it is among the countries with the most restrictive legal environment for democratic broadcasting in the continent.
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Santos (2007: 14, author’s translation) has summed up the ambivalences in a somewhat ironic way: “Today we have reformist processes that appear revolutionary; this is probably the case for Bolivia and Venezuela. On the other side we have revolutionary processes that appear reformist, as is the case for the Zapatistas in Chiapas. And we have, as I usually joke a little, reformist processes that do not even appear reformist, as is the case for Lula in Brazil.”
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Mauersberger, C. (2016). Conclusions and Outlook. In: Advocacy Coalitions and Democratizing Media Reforms in Latin America. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21278-4_8
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